Technology, Ideology and Social Transformation: The Case of Computerization and Work Organization

Rob Kling and Mary Zmuidzinas

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Appears in: Revue' International de Sociologie #2-3(1994):28-56. Abstract

This paper presents a theoretical framework for understanding how computerization influences the transformation of work organization. The theoretical approach emerged from our empirical study of computerization and work in approximately 40 work groups over six years. Giddens' Structuration theory provides an important overarching framework for our theorizing. Ideologies about the future of computing and work in particular organizations, workplace visions, are a central construct in this theory. Workplace visions are a set of interconnected beliefs about workers, work organization, and computing. Most importantly, workplace visions include beliefs about the relationships among computing, workers, and work organization. Workplace visions play an important role in shaping computerization and work reorganization. Workplace visions provide coherence to a set of independent actions that shape the transformation of work organization over months and years. We characterize workplace visions and identify 18 trajectories of possible change in work organization. The framework is illustrated with 6 empirical cases that depict different trajectories of change in work organization. In addition, our empirical cases illustrate the inadequacy of relying upon one dominant social logic to understand computerization and work transformation.

 Acknowledgements: This paper was improved through conversations with Jonathan P. Allen, Andrew Clement, and Sang-Min Whang. Part of this research was funded by National Science Foundation Grant #IRI-87-09613 and grant #92/93-47 from the University of California. Please direct all correspondence to Professor Rob Kling at the above address or email to kling@indiana.edu.

1. Introduction

Technological change has been a central theme for sociological analyses of work and organization (c.f. Littler, 1982). Sociologists concur that most factory technologies generally rationalized and routinized of industrial work. Industrial sociologists' dominant metaphor is the mechanized assembly line organization of many factories (Littler, 1982; Walker, 1989). Although some analysts argue that computerization will transform work in much the same way as mechanization transformed factory work (c.f. Mowshowitz, 1986), computers have the potential for use in diverse kinds of workplaces, diverse applications, and varied transformations in work (c.f. Huber, 1990; Zuboff, 1988). Moreover, analysts of computerization and work transformation, are studying a variety of work settings which also include many classes of workers (e.g. clerks, technical specialists, professionals and managers) (c.f. Kling & Iacono, 1989a; Perrolle, 1989; Poppel, 1982; Zuboff, 1988). Although many analysts believe that computerization is the technological successor to mechanical technologies, there is much less consensus about how computerization might transform work and how to understand the changes in worklife. In this paper, we will integrate a significant body of empirical research, including our own, into a coherent empirically-grounded conception for understanding computerization and the transformation of work organization.

 It is conventional wisdom that computerization has tremendous potential to transform the nature and character of worklife (cf. Attewell and Rule, 1984; Giuliano, 1991; Kling, 1991; Strassman, 1985; Zuboff, 1988). However, there is significant controversy and uncertainty about the nature of specific improvements or diminutions in the quality of work and the conditions under which computerization leads to improved or degraded work.

Most work is carried out with specialized equipment or techniques. As a consequence, sociologists of work have often tried to account for the roles of technology in organizing work, and the effects of changing technologies in changing work organization. Despite the rich literatures about computerization and work, there are few key theoretical ideas to help deepen our understanding about the link between computerization and work organization. This paper presents and examines a theoretical framework for examining how computerization alters work organization. This framework emerged from our observations of computerization and work in approximately 40 work groups. It emphasizes ideologies (workplace visions) as shaping technological choices: when technologies will be used, which of the various available technologies will be used, how they will be used, and who will have access to the information these technologies generate. These choices determine how work is transformed. Structuration theory provides an important overarching framework for our theorizing about the relationships between technological change, beliefs, action, and structures (Giddens, 1979; 1989; Orlikowski, 1992; DeSanctis and Poole, 1991; Poole and DeSanctis, 1991). We begin by examining the arguments about computerization and work transformation. We follow with our proposed framework. We characterize work transformations, define workplace visions and describe the theoretical framework. Finally, using our empirical cases, we illustrate the application of this framework in analyzing work transformations.

2. Computerization and Work Transformation

Although their social roles are the subject of immense hype, computer-based technologies are potentially socially transformative. By transformative, we mean that they can play key roles in restructuring major social relationships - interpersonal, intergroup, and institutional. Computerized and communication technologies enable organizations to create different architectures for processing and accessing information. They can support different forms of work organization. Computerized systems enable the restructuring of social relationships by altering the kinds of information readily available, reorganizing patterns of access to information, altering the cost and work for organizing information, and shifting patterns of social dependencies for key resources, such as computing and skilled computing staff. Despite many potentialities supported by computeriation, organizations selectively adopt and integrate them into work processes (cf: Child, Ganter and Kieser, 1987; Orlikowski, 1991).

 Scholars bring diverse theoretical schemes and ideological positions to their studies, and the research literature reflects this somewhat contentious cacophony of disparate positions. At the extremes, some scholars emphasize the possibilities of computerization transforming work in fundamentally utopian terms -- a terrific opportunity to improve worklife in America (Kling, 1994) . Others emphasize dystopian possibilities, a process that will often make worklife more regimented, confined, stressful, and grim. Many authors suggest that computerization can radically transform work (cf. Giuliano, 1991; Attewell & Rule, 1984; Shaiken, 1985; Zuboff, 1988). However, the published studies of how computerization changes work differ substantially. Before presenting our theoretical framework, we will briefly review these arguments (also see Dunlop and Kling, 1993).

2.1. Computerization and Labor Process Theory

One line of sociological analysis of changing technologies -- especially office technologies -- rests on some form of social or economic determinism. C. Wright Mills, for example, characterizes the social influence of mechanized office equipment in mid-century in these terms:

``As machines spread, they began to prompt newer divisions of labor .... The newer machines, especially the more complex and costly ones, require central control of offices previously scattered throughout the enterprise. This centralization, which prompts more new divisions of labor ... is facilitated ... through the urge to cut costs, and ... through the increased volume of office work.... Machines and centralization go together in company after company: and together they increase output and lower unit costs. They also open the full range of organization to factory techniques (Mills, 1951:195-196)."

Harry Braverman (1974) stimulated a new line of research about computerization and the labor process by amplifying Mills' argument and suggesting that capitalist managers exploit new technologies to help them tighten control over workers through processes like deskilling and job fragmentation. Braverman (1974), argued that the logic of capitalism requires owners and managers to relentlessly try to enhance their control over workers to reduce labor costs. Braverman's theory has been influential in shaping critical studies of technology in worklife. In the images of Mowshowitz (1986), Clement (1988), and Perrolle (1991) (which follow Braverman's argument), managers computerize so as to tighten control at every turn. Labor process analyses portray extensively automated workplaces as primarily regimented. They infer that computerization will degrade work by examining workers at the lowest levels of the office hierarchy where jobs are the most routinized and the division of labor is the most rigid.

Labor process analyses characterize offices of the future as workplaces where there will be major differences between a few good jobs and many bad jobs. They hold that computerization readily degrades work, and that computerized clerical jobs will usually be highly feminized, poorly paid, and relatively unsatisfying (Glenn and Feldberg, 1979; Gregory and Nussbaum, 1982; Howard, 1985; Mowshowitz, 1986). Further, professional work would be regimented like many clerical jobs (Mowshowitz, 1986; Perrolle, 1991). Scholars following this line of analysis focus on managerial visions of control: managers would employ computerization as a means of controlling work and workers by fragmenting work and deskilling jobs (cf. Braverman, 1974; Glenn & Feldberg, 1979; Gregory & Nussbaum, 1982; Howard, 1985; Mowshowitz, 1986). They view the implementation of desktop computing as another method for management to gain more control over the work processes and extract more work from the workers. Data entry clerks, such as telephone travel reservationists, insurance claims clerks, and word processing specialists are examples of office workers who use single function systems, work in relatively regimented work groups, and maintain positions at the lowest levels of the work group hierarchy.

2.2. Computerization and the Upgrading of Work?

During the last decade, Braverman's labor process theory has been subject to significant criticism (Attewell, 1987; Kuhn, 1989; Wood, 1989:10-11). Critics of Braverman's labor processes theory fault him for treating workers as purely passive agents. Further, Braverman's theory ignores the variety of managerial ap- proaches for improving productivity, such as those which increase responsibility, pay and morale, rather than tightening control and de-skilling (Jewett and Kling, 1990). A second line of analysis emerged, emphasizing the potential for computerization to upgrade work. This line of analysis moved attention away from managerial visions of control and focussed on the economic and technological determinants of work transformation (cf. Adler, 1986; Adler; 1988; Attewell, 1985; Attewell, 1987).

 Technologically utopian analyses portray extensively automated offices as flexible and implicitly professional workplaces. They idealize the capabilities of computer-based technologies in transforming worklife. They argue that most white collar workers could readily have immediate access to multifunctional workstations at their desks. They can intensively use the equipment to enhance a variety of work activities. They can communicate better and faster via electronic mail. Information will be at their fingertips through on-line data bases. They can speed through other tasks such as analyzing data and preparing correspondence using sophisticated equipment (Giuliano, 1991; Poppel, 1982; Uhlig, Farber and Bair, 1979). In general the technologically utopian analyses view desktop computing systems as potentially very accessible, reliable, and easy to use. Information handling tasks can be simplified through automation with appropriate equipment. Office workers perform more varied and interesting jobs through a reduction in routinized work. The nature of white collar work will be transformed to be substantially more interesting and creative (Strassman, 1985).

2.3. New Forms of Work Organization?

In contrast to focusing on managerial control, job content, and quality of work life, other scholars have focused on the potential of information technology to bring about new forms of work organization. During the 1980s computer terminals, PCs, and workstations, along with a wide variety of software and communication networks, have become standard fixtures in the offices of clerks, professionals and managers. Many scholars claim that computerization either will lead to or are most effectively used in new forms of work organization (cf. Applegate, Cash, & Mills, 1988; Drucker, 1988; Giuliano, 1991; Hammer, 1990; Huber, 1984; Zuboff, 1988). Descriptions of the emergence of these new forms of work organization are often economically and technologically deterministic (Applegate, Cash, & Mills, 1988; Drucker, 1988; Huber, 1984). For the most part, these arguments are based on the potentials of information technology to relax hierarchical ties and promote lateral relations (Orlikowski, 1991). However as Orlikowski (1991) observes, little empirical research examines the predictions of new forms of organization, and consequently, we do not know how fast, and under what conditions these forms are emerging, if at all.

2.4. Summary

The literature on computerization and work is quite diverse and covers many aspects of worklife. However, each of the approaches attempts to subsume the effects of computerization under one dominant trend - whether its degradation, upgrading work, or new forms of organization. Furthermore, these approaches attempt to subsume technological impacts under one dominant logic - whether its managerial control, easy to use technologies that promote autonomy, or technological abilities to relax hierarchical ties.

 However, taken together, the body of empirical studies shows that computerization alters the content, quality, and the organization of work in different ways and to different degrees. Some scholars interpret these findings as "confusing" because they seek a single dominant trend or social logic to computerization (cf. Rule and Attewell, 1984). Reviews which examined multiple studies found evidence for both the degradation and upskilling lines of analysis (cf Attewell & Rule, 1984; Kraemer & Danziger, 1990). Moreover, other studies (cf Kraut, Dumais, & Koch, 1989) found that computerization can have both positive and negative effects on the same job.

Some scholars have identified the possibility of different kinds of computerization strategies shaping work in different ways (Child, Ganter and Kieser, 1987; Kling, 1991; Orlikowski, 1991; Zuboff, 1988). These scholars have begun to examine the contingencies that lead to differential impacts (cf. Bikson, 1987; Lepore, Kling, Iacono, & George, 1989; Mumford, 1983). So far, these studies have primarily focussed on the differential features of computerization (cf. Bikson, 1987), work group composition (cf. Kling, Iacono, & George, 1990) or implementation strategies (cf. Lepore, Kling, Iacono, & George, 1989; Mumford, 1983; Zuboff, 1988).

During the last six years we have been systematically examining computerization and changes in work in about 40 clerical and professional work groups which differ in the substance of their work, the technologies they use, and organizational economic conditions. Our own empirical research about computerization in work does not show that computerization leads to uniform changes in work organization. Instead, the direction of changing work depends upon several contingencies, which include: managerial ideologies about appropriate work organization, the strategies for implementing technological change, the social organization of technical support and work for a particular work group, the occupational power of the worker and her work group, and the degree of integration of the computerization into the worklife of the user and her work group. The framework we have developed incorporates the diverse impacts of computerization on work and the diverse social processes that lead to these impacts.

3. Work Transformation

3.1. Characterizing Work Transformation

 In theorizing about our own research and that of others, we found it helpful to explicitly characterize "work transformations." There is substantial variation in the manner this term is used by scholars. Some researchers focus on quality of work life, others on job content, and still others on work organization when they discuss "work transformation." Focussing on work organization incorporates many key ideas frequently discussed as work transformation. Structuration theory does not specify a set of fine-grained organizational structures (Giddens, 1979). To help better specify these structures we developed a framework based on Mintzberg's (1979) typology of organizational forms. Mintzberg (1979) objectifies social structures very much more than Giddens (1979; 1989). But we have found his categories very helpful in adding empirical concreteness to structuration theories by contrasting observable forms of work organization (and work transformations) within our action-oriented framework. We will first describe this framework, then define workplace visions, and finally, we will present cases from our own research to illustrate how our framework can be used to examine work transformations.

 For a group of individuals to produce goods or services requires some division of labor and coordination of tasks (Mintzberg, 1979). Work is organized by the way tasks are divided and the manner in which the divided tasks are coordinated. Mintzberg (1979) presents five mechanisms for coordinating tasks: mutual adjustment (informal communication), direct supervision (one individual takes responsibility for the work of others), standardization of work processes (contents of the work done are pre-specified or pre- programmed), standardization of outputs (results of the work - product or performance - are specified), and standardization of skills (the kind of training required to do work is pre-specified). Coordination that relies on mutual adjustment relies mostly on continuing communication. Coordination through direct supervision relies on the communication of orders and instructions and the monitoring of workers actions by supervisors. When either of the three standardization methods are used to coordinate work, the need for continuing communication is reduced.

Mintzberg (1979) classifies organization structures into five categories: simple structure, machine bureaucracy, professional bureaucracy, divisionalized form, and adhocracy. Scholars often consider huge organizations as machine bureaucracies (e.g. Mintzberg, 1979). However, within a large organization, there is often a mix of types of bureaucratic organization. For example, a hospital may include both a professional-bureaucratic staff (e.g. the doctors) and a machine-bureaucratic staff (e.g. a clerical accounts payable unit). The difference is primarily between professionals and clerks: professional work groups generally have more autonomy over work practices than do clerical work groups. Thus, Mintzberg's characterization of bureaucracies applies to units smaller than the whole organization: departments, divisions, or work groups. We are focussing primarily on three of his types: machine (clerical) and professional bureaucracies and adhocracies. The organizations we are studying have important bureaucratic characteristics that are often best described as either clerical or professional bureaucracies. We also focus on adhocratic work organization because it most closely resembles the forms of organization scholars suggest will/should emerge with the introduction of new technology. Table 1 describes five dimensions of work design that distinguish professional, clerical, and adhocratic forms of organization. Two of the dimensions (job specialization and decision making systems) describe the division of labor, whereas the three remaining dimensions (behavior formalization, planning and control systems, and training) describe the coordinating mechanisms. These classifications of organizational units are "ideal" types. Most subunits of large organizations do not closely match all of these criteria, but they do resemble one form more closely than the other.

Using these classifications as a guide, we've identified four types of possible "changes" in the way work is organized.

Metamorphoses: These are significant restructurings of work organization from one form to another (i.e. from professional to clerical bureaucracy). Metamorphoses could be defined as changes in a majority of the division of labor and coordination dimensions that differentiate one form of organization (e.g. clerical bureaucracy) from another form of organization (e.g. professional bureaucracy). We expect that without an overarching, sweeping organizational change strategy, and significant restaffing, changes in work organization will not resemble metamorphoses. Small, but persistent changes in work organization (migrations) over time may lead to metamorphoses.

Migration: These are noticeable shifts toward another form of work organization (e.g. from a professional bureaucracy to adhocracy). Migrations differ from metamorphoses in that the changes are not so far reaching, changes occur along some, but not the majority, of the division of labor and coordination dimensions. For example, in a highly structured clerical workplace, jobs might become more "enriched" by allowing clerks more flexibility in choosing tasks. However, other facets of work organization may remain constant. Over time, persistent migrations may become metamorphoses.

Elaboration/Reinforcement: These changes reinforce, enhance, or elaborate, the existing form of work organization. Existing forms of coordination and division of labor are extended, and the "new" work organization more closely resembles the same "ideal" types than it did before. Increasing the power of outside professional organizations to regulate work practices in an already professional environment is an example of professional elaboration.

Stability: These are instances of little or no substantial change in the existing form of work organization. Stability does not imply lack of activity. For example, maintaining highly structured and low skilled work divisions in a customer service organization may require effort when customers may demand more complex services and greater flexibility.

We use the term "work transformation" to denote metamorphoses, migrations or elaborations. From our typology of work transformation there are 18 possible trajectories of change in work organization such as clerical stability, clerical elaboration, clerical bureaucracies migrating to professional bureaucratic organization, clerical bureaucracies metamorphosis into adhocratic organization.

3.2. Workplace Visions - The Concept

Some authors treat the availability of computerized systems as important enabling conditions that are likely to lead managers to change organizations in parallel directions (cf. Huber, 1990). We join with those scholars who believe that organizations can computerize in different ways, that emphasize managerial choices as key elements in theories of computerization and organizational change (cf. Zuboff, 1988). In field interviews in selected work groups, we have found that computerization is often shaped by managers' espoused goals for computerization projects (e.g. standardize procedures or increase workers' responsibility). Computerization is often only one of the means by which managers alter work and the performance of their work groups. They often cite other choices (e.g. downsizing, restructuring of division of labor, commitment-building, etc.) available that will also accomplish their goals. To understand the interplay of computerization and work we must examine the bundle of organizational interventions in a work group, rather than focussing exclusively on the computerization process. We conceptualize workplace visions as a construct to characterize the bundle of ideologies or values that participants draw upon when organizing technologies and reorganizing work.

Table 1. Dimensions of work organization adapted from Mintzberg (1979).
 
 

DIMENSION	DESCRIPTION	CLERICAL BUREAUCRACY	PROFESSIONAL BUREAUCRACY	ADHOCRACY
Job Specialization	How many tasks should a given position contain and how specialized should each task be?	Work is narrow in scope, highly specialized, and repetitive.	Work roles are specialized.	Work roles of team members are specialized depending on the task or project.
Decision Making Systems	How should the "labor" of decision making be divided? How much decision making power should be delegated to line managers down the chain of authority? How much should pass from line managers to staff specialists and workers?	Decision making power concentrated high within the managerial ranks. Some power delegated to analysts and staff specialists. Lowest level employees encouraged to comply with decisions.	Decision making power is distributed along the formal chain of authority. Significant power given to analysts, staff specialists, and workers. Employees expected to take initiative within their domain of work.	Decision making is distributed among managers and non-managers at all levels in the hierarchy, according to the nature of the different decisions to be made. Employees are expected to take initiative based on their insights (e.g. insights into work processes).
Behavior Formalization	To what extent should the work content of a position be standardized?	Large amount of formalization of job description, work flow, and rules.	Little formalization.	Little formalization
Planning and Control Systems	To what extent should the output of a position be standardized? To what extent should direct supervision be exercised?	Actual work processes, more than outputs, are standardized. Heavy reliance on direct supervision to get the work done.	Little use of output measures or planning systems. Reliance on the skills of professionals to get the work done.	Little use of outputor measures or planning systems. Reliance on mutual adjustment, numerous types of managers (e.g. functional, project) and building of staff skills to get the work done.
Training	What skills and knowledge should be required for a position?	Little training, which can be acquired on the job.	A substantial amount of training, most often acquired outside the organization.	Organizational learning: substantial amount of training, with an emphasis on the continual retraining and learning of new skills.

Workplace visions are a collection of beliefs, guiding philosophies, everyday "theories." There are several synonyms (e.g. belief systems, mental models, technological frames) for the term "workplace visions." However, the term "workplace visions" better characterizes the future orientation and the nature (computerization in the workplace) of the belief systems we are studying. Workplace visions are not synonymous with managerial strategies. Managerial strategies focus on sets of decisions (cf. Nadler, Hackman, & Lawler, 1979; Child, 1987). We learned about some workplace visions from our own fieldwork in a few work groups during 1990. Workplace visions can include beliefs about the entire work "context." They include beliefs about the current situation, beliefs about desired outcomes (i.e. plans for the future), and beliefs about the role of computing in accomplishing the desired outcomes.

Workplace visions can differ substantially within a work group and within an organization. We do not assume that one workplace vision will be shared by all work group members nor other managers in the same organization, nor do we assume that there will be consensus among members of work groups about workplace visions. Workers' workplace visions can also be very important, especially in professional work groups where workers often are the catalysts of transformation. However, for simplicity, in this paper, we are primarily focussing on the workplace visions of work group managers.

Workplace visions can change or be refined over time, but the early directions can shape later choices. Workplace visions may include misperceptions about the ease of developing or using specific computerized systems, or about the orientation of workers to new systems. Further, new organizational conditions may arise (e.g. mergers, financial losses) that may change the beliefs about what is possible or desirable. Once systems are implemented, the shortcomings of workplace visions may become apparent and participants may restructure them. The initial attempt at implementation shapes many future experiences and choices, but computerization projects have an emergent element as they develop over periods of months or years (Markus & Robey, 1988). For example, if a workplace vision led to a commitment to using microcomputers as stand-alone equipment, the kinds of problems and choices faced later in the course of computerization will differ from those of a group committed to using microcomputers as terminals linked to a mainframe.

Workplace visions can include a variety of beliefs, including beliefs about workers, work organization, how work organization should be changed, beliefs about computing technology, and beliefs about the interaction of workers, computing, and work. Workplace visions for professional bureaucracies differ from those for clerical bureaucracies. However, characterizing workplace visions as driving either towards "regimentation" or "flexibility" is too simple. We characterize workplace visions based on the trajectories of work transformation similarly used in our analysis of work transformation.

3.3. A Framework for Relating Workplace Visions and Transformations of Work Organization

We characterize desktop computerization as a strategic, dynamic, complex and ongoing intervention including both technological and social elements (Kling & Iacono, 1989a; Zmuidzinas, Kling, & George, 1990). Organizational actors continually make numerous computerization choices (e.g equipment they want to purchase or use, what kinds of tasks the equipment will be used for, who will use the equipment, who will have access to the equipment, who will make decisions about computerization, if and how support will be provided). With the exception of standardization of skills, information technologies enable each of the differing forms of work coordination. For example, the use of electronic mail facilitates mutual adjustment (informal communication), particularly for communications that were once bounded by time and location restrictions. Electronic monitoring enables extending direct supervision (cf. Clement & Gotlieb, 1987). Standardization of work processes is also possible, as Orlikowski (1991) portrays in the imbedding of methodology in CASE tools. Finally, expert systems enable standardization of outputs. Thus, the technological choices available enhance most and rarely limit the type of coordination and division of labor managers prefer. In this way, computerization enables the reinforcement of existing forms of work organization and provides the potential for the emergence of new forms of work organization. We have found that managers are often guided by their workplace visions in the choices they make from the variety of technological options.

 Adler (1986) argues that work with computing technologies requires different skills than working with old technologies. In particular, the new skills are more "cognitive," they require attitude of taking on responsibility for process integrity and results, identifying and solving problems, working with others (team work and interdependence across functions and levels) and continual and frequent retraining (Adler, 1986). Zuboff (1988) suggests that "... the requirements of an informating strategy support existing work-improvement efforts, such as the high commitment approach to work force management, with its emphasis on self-managing teams, participation, and decentralization." (p 413). We have found that workplace visions also guide how managers will choose to organize and manage work with computing.

 Our structuration framework of work transformation differs substantially from the technologically deterministic model proposed by Huber (1990). Huber (1990) argues that the availability of technology will lead to its use, this use will increase information accessibility, and increased information accessibility will lead to changes in organizational design. We propose a structuration model that incorporates individual and group abilities to restructure pre-existing structures. This social process model holds that workplace visions shape Huber's (1990) constructs and concepts. It does not assume that the availability of technology will necessarily lead to its use. Workplace visions shape the selection of when technologies will be used, which of the various available technologies will be used, how they will be used, and who will have access to the information these technologies generate. These choices determine how work is transformed.

4. Trajectories of Workplace Transformations

We present six cases to illustrate our framework for relating workplace visions to work transformation. These six cases represent commonly discussed transformations of work organization. The work transformation of two cases (Pacific Coast University's graduate student services and Micro's writers) resemble labor process theory arguments wherein computerization degrades work. Two other cases (Coast Pharmaceutical customer service representatives and Aircraft engineers) illustrate cases wherein computerization upgraded work. The remaining two cases illustrate how computerization may not transform work. We do not present cases for adhocratic organizations because of the 40 groups we studied, none were initially organized as adhocracies. Finally, we do not present cases illustrating the emergence of new forms of work organization, because we found no evidence for these types of transformations.

Our cases are based on our three year longitudinal study of 40 work groups (see Kling, Iacono, & George, 1990 and Zmuidzinas, Kling, & George, 1990 for methodological details). In 1988 we conducted hour-long, semi-structured interviews in each work group. We interviewed at least one person from each work group, usually the supervisor. We also interviewed some people outside the work groups who influenced computing arrangements in the groups, such as top managers and computer support staff who controlled key resources. We conducted further interviews in specific work groups in the spring and summer of 1989 and 1990. We selected these groups by one of several criteria: (a) because their survey data showed the largest changes in work patterns; (b) request for a detailed report as part of our conditions of access to the work groups for our research; (c) unusually good access to work group members. These interviews focussed on the changes in computing and work that had occurred within the work group and changes that had occurred within the organization that had affected the work group. We interviewed both supervisors and their workers. We usually reinterviewed the same workers from the previous year that we found to be the most knowledgeable and reliable informants. Table 2 presents the transformations in work organization for all our six cases. Due to space constraints, in this paper, we present one case (MICRO Writers) in detail and the other 5 in less detail to illustrate how our framework can be applied to analyses of transformation of work organization.

Table 2. Summary of the changes in work organization of six illustrative cases.

 
4.1. MICRO Writers - Professionals Migrating to Clerical Organization

MICRO Writers is one of two work groups of a Technical Publications department in a computer systems manufacturing organization headquartered in southern California (MICRO). This group's primary function was to produce manuals that supported the use of MICROs products, which, in 1988, emphasized single board, add-on products such those which increased RAM sizes. MICRO had been very financially successful in the 1980s. However, in 1989 MICRO suffered a financial loss. Sometime later, MICRO's upper-middle managers were replaced. The new management was concerned with cost controls, and began closely examining the production process.

In 1988, the writers work group consisted of 14 people: 1 manager, 2 supervisors, 1 editor, and 11 writers. At that time, writers' were using MICRO 286 machines hooked up to a local area network (LAN). The writers generally used the network for file sharing and printing. Writers' had access to email, scheduling, word processing and desktop publication software. The typical manual writers' produced could run up to 100 pages. To produce such a manual, writers first worked on the initial writing for about 3-4 weeks. The manual would then be reviewed by other writers (these reviews could take up to one week). With the feedback from reviews, writers would rewrite the manuals for about another week. These rewrites would once again be reviewed and then another final revision would be made by the writers. After the writing was complete, the electronic files would be sent to the illustration department who would spend about a week supplementing writers' text with illustrations as directed by writers.

In 1988, the writers were organized as a professional bureaucracy. Work roles, not the work itself, were specialized, thus resembling a professional bureaucracy along the job specialization dimension. There were three levels of writers (associate, intermediate, and senior), who wrote and reviewed manuals. The level of seniority influenced the complexity of the manuals being written or reviewed. Senior writers, having more expertise and experience, were expected to take on more complex projects, work more independently, and take on more responsibilities than less experienced writers. Writers were also organized as a professional bureaucracy along the decision making systems dimension. Writers attended multi-departmental task force meetings to discuss features and problems of developing products and to form project priorities. Within the department, writers participated in weekly staff meetings to discuss and solve departmental problems such as computing.

In hiring writers, this work group relied heavily on formal education (professional bureaucracy along the training dimension). The job descriptions for all levels of writers indicated that a Bachelor's degree in English, Journalism, Computer Science or related fields was required. In addition, MICRO would pay for further outside training as part of writers' career development. For example, one writer attended a class at a local college to improve his verbal skills. These acquired skills were meant to guide writers' in doing their work, thus diminishing the need for formal or elaborate work rules or work procedures (professionally organized along the behavior formalization dimension). Finally, MICRO relied on writers' skills to get "the job done." Writers were expected to do their work with the minimum of supervision. Deadlines were set for writers (had to coincide with the release of a product), but how they did their work, or set their schedules was up to them. Even the associate writers were expected for "the publication of at least one user's manual for which the Associate was responsible at every step in the process." Thus, along the planning and control dimension, writers were also organized as a professional bureaucracy. In sum, along all 5 dimensions, in 1988, writers were organized as a professional bureaucracy.

1989 was a year of financial austerity at MICRO: 6% of the work force was laid off. MICRO did not perform well, and consequently many changes took place. MICRO's business effort transitioned from the single board, add-on products to an emphasis on complete systems such as the 286s. The financial problems and change in products were accompanied by management changes. These changes taken together began a clericalization trajectory in the writers' work organization. To begin with, management established a "new" workplace vision. First, management envisioned company wide computing standards. Secondly, management envisioned employees using MICROs products in their work wherever possible (After all, if the products aren't "good enough" for the manufacturer to use them, why should anyone else buy them?). Finally, management wanted improved computerized tools throughout the division and wanted those tools to be commonly used by as many functions as possible. Finally, managers workplace visions emphasized maintaining costs and improving productivity wherever possible.

In particular, for the MICRO's writers group, the new products, along with workplace visions emphasizing cost maintenance and improved productivity, standardized computing, and devaluation of manuals as a sales advantage, resulted in the clericalization of writers' work organization. The new management envisioned technical publications as a "luxury" - the less publication the better. They believed that high-performance, large capacity, and latest technology was what "sells" their products. One upper manager noted that awards won by the technical publications department (for outstanding manuals from the Society for Technical Communication which were displayed in the lobby) "proved" they were wasting too much time and money on documentation.

Prior to the new management regime, writers were involved in developing a boilerplate technique for their use. They had envisioned the use of boilerplate would free them from the more routine aspects of writing, and would enable them to work on more creative aspects of manuals such as including complex pictorial diagrams and their explanations. However, the "new" upper managers visions of cost containment conflicted with these visions. Their actions to implement their workplace visions overrode the writers' professionalization workplace visions. Managerial workplace visions, along with the changes in product lines, and computerization led to the writers' work group migrating towards a clerical bureaucratic work organization.

The shift in emphasis to complete systems such as the 286s, has made MICRO's products more "modular." For the technical publications department, this meant that products now require a larger number of similar manuals, rather than a variety of different manuals (thus increasing repetitiveness of work). That is, there are fewer different types of manuals to write. Management's cost concerns led to their insisting upon shorter and consolidated (cheaper) manuals that differ only in minor respects along with reductions in the size and number of manuals. The "new" manuals average only 40 pages long compared to the previous 100 page length. MICRO had also committed themselves to produce after market manuals such as technical reference and hardware maintenance manuals. MICRO's user manuals were almost straight from boilerplate and could be "cranked out" quickly (e.g. substituting "Texas Instruments" for "MICRO" everywhere in a manual). This type of manual had become an increasingly larger portion of writers' work. Writers were able to produce new manuals quickly by cutting, pasting, and replacing existing text. With the boilerplate technique, writers were able to produce a whole manual in less than a week. The flow of work has also changed. As in 1988, writers continued to write entire manuals beginning with a first draft. However, rather than producing original writing, writers began using readily available style sheets, coding formats, and appropriate boilerplate. Writers were more likely to "fill in the blanks" with these procedures for new manual writing. The need for editing and reviewing documents had been drastically reduced. Writing had become "automatic," repetitive.

In addition to these changes, writers have taken on a new task - on line documentation. Upper management perceives that electronic documents are cheaper than print, since they involve no printing costs - therefore along with market demands, they pushed to get on-line documentation. Writing on-line documentation (tutorials) became a larger part of the writers' tasks. These tasks included writing "pop-up" error messages and help facilities. Boilerplate techniques were also used for this work. These changes in products, management, computing, and tasks procedures led to the clericalization of the writers' work organization. Work organization was clericalized along three dimensions: tasks became specialized (job specialization), work processes were standardized (planning and control systems), and work flows and work rules were formalized (behavior formalization). Work organization remained stable along the other two dimensions (decisions making and training).

Rather than spreading the new tasks equally to all writers, the tasks were assigned to several specific writers. Three writers were spending 50% of their time doing on-line documentation tasks. One writer worked solely on after market manuals. Writers' jobs became narrower in scope - each writer worked on only one of several tasks. Furthermore, the decrease in the types of manuals resulted in increased repetitiveness of tasks. Writers were writing more and more of the same kinds of manuals or on-line documentation. In sum, along the job specialization dimension, the writers' work organization migrated towards a clerical organization.

Through managerial decree, writers work became more formalized. For example, writers' were restrained from putting in "niceties" such as fancy words, diagrams, and pictures (the very thing they had envisioned the use of boilerplate would enable them to improve manuals!). The increased rules for standardizing manuals resulted in the clericalization of writers' work organizational along the behavioral formalization dimension. The widespread use of boilerplate also enabled increased standardization of work in other ways. Writers lost much of the creative freedom they had when they started writing manuals with "blank screens." With the use of boilerplate, writers simply "fill in the blanks," making as few changes as possible. Writing became much less creative and much more standardized, a matter of "filling in the blanks," something that someone without formal education might be able to accomplish. In fact, one upper manager suggested a goal for the technical publications' manager, to have clerical people do as much of the professional's work as possible! The changes in manual writing procedures (simply fill in the blanks, don't be creative, etc.) reduced the need to rely on professional skills to get the job of manual writing "done." In this manner, the use of boilerplate technique enabled the managers to standardize the manual writing work processes, that is, to clericize writers' work along the planning and control systems dimension.

Overall, along the majority (3 of 5) of the work organizational dimensions (specialization, formalization, and planning and control systems) the work organization of MICRO's writers was migrating from a professional bureaucratic organization towards a clerical bureaucratic organization. Furthermore, work organization remained stable along the other 2 dimensions (training and decision making systems). As a result, this transformation represents a case of professionals migrating towards clerical organization.

4.2. PACIFIC COAST UNIVERSITY Graduate Student Services - Clerical Elaboration

We performed similar analyses of the changes in work organization for all the work groups listed in Table 2. The Graduate student services (GSS) work group is an administrative department at a large state university in California. Work in the PACIFIC COAST UNIVERSITY's GSS work group was highly specialized in 1988. Work groups were functionally divided, and within the work groups, jobs were specialized. In general the "lowest" level clerks did only the most routine work, whereas the "higher" level clerks sometimes did routine work, but mainly did "extra" work such as generating various reports. GSS also relied heavily upon on-the-job training, staff had little control over their work processes and did not participate in decision making.

Maintaining budgets was a constant problem for the managers of this work group. Managers envisioned "state of the art" complex systems for "simple people" - a clerical elaboration. Managers hoped that a complex computing system could be used as a substitute for labor. Within the university system, there are no incentives for managers to choose employees over technology. The workload of the GSS was increasing rapidly. Furthermore, managers expected the workload to increase substantially, with no increase in staff. Keeping good employees was difficult because there were no pay incentives for these employees. New technology was easier to acquire than were employees. Thus, quite logically, managers' envisioned replacing employees with technology.

Through the use of menus, computing applications were designed so that employees would stay "on track." With the implementation of a new computer system, the work of these clerks became even more narrow in scope, simple, and repetitive. Furthermore, the computerized menu applications "forced" employees to follow standardized procedures. Along at least two dimensions (job specialization and behavior formalization) the GSS group's work organization was pushed even further towards the clerical bureaucratic endpoint - the existing clerical organization was elaborated. GSS's work organization remained stable along the other 3 dimensions, thus making this case an example of clerical elaboration.

4.3. AIRCRAFT Engineers - Professional Elaboration

AIRCRAFT develops and manufactures complex computer-based information systems composed of custom designed software and hardware. In 1988, the AIRCRAFT engineers work group was organized as a professional bureaucracy. The AIRCRAFT group relied very heavily on formal education for the training of its workers and relied on workers' skills to "get the job done." Most of the engineers had advanced degrees (in engineering or other sciences) and received little to no on-the-job training. Jobs varied greatly were rarely specialized. All engineers, including the less senior staff members, had a great deal of control over their work, and were expected to participate in decision making. Unlike many other work groups we studied, the engineers themselves were the initiators of their computing changes. The engineers successfully initiated the major computerization change (shift from IBM PCs to MACs) within their work group. They envisioned a professional elaboration through this change. With MACs, they would be able to process documents without depending on other work groups. Furthermore, they would be able to draw more complex diagrams, which would enhance the quality of their documents. The engineers succeeded in convincing management to make these changes. As a result, engineers increased the range or scope of problems for which they were involved in decision making (i.e. computing decisions). In addition, they gained greater autonomy as they no longer had to rely upon support staff to complete project documents. The engineers work organization was further professionally "elaborated" along the decision making dimension. The work organization remained stable along all other dimensions, thus making the engineers group an example of professional elaboration.

4.4. COAST PHARMACEUTICAL Customer Service - Clerks Migrating to Professional Organization

COAST PHARMACEUTICAL is extremely image conscious and promotes a modern image through art collections, special organizational terminology (e.g., calling its facilities "a campus"), on-site recreational facilities, and desktop computing. In 1988, COAST PHARMACEUTICAL's customer service representatives (CSRs) work group was best described as a clerical bureaucracy. Many tasks (data entry, handling of backorders, missing shipments, etc.) were specialized. Behavior formalization relied primarily upon on-the-job training. Planning and control systems focussed on direct supervision and extensive tracking of employee performance. Finally, employees were rarely involved in decision making. Between 1988-1990, CSRs' managers envisioned a professionalization of their work group that depended on an improved on-line computer system. Although the delivery of the computer system was delayed, managers' had begun to make organizational changes which resulted in this work group's migration from a clerical bureaucracy to a professional one. CSRs picked up new tasks that were less routine and more challenging than their previous tasks. These new tasks required more initiative and relied less on standardized procedures than the "old" tasks. CSRs were becoming more involved in decision making, for example, they were routinely involved in the design process of the new computer system. Furthermore, jobs became less specialized. Along at least 3 dimensions (decision making, job specialization, and behavior formalization) the work organization of this group migrated towards a professional organization. The work organization remained stable along the other two dimensions, thus this case represents a clerical bureaucracy migrating towards a professional bureaucracy.

4.5. INSURE Policy Services - Clerical Stability

INSURE is among the 25 largest insurance companies in the US, is growing and has its corporate headquarters southern California. The company has six major divisions which have been progressively decentralized into relatively autonomous business units during the last 7 years. In 1988, INSURE's policy service's work group represented a "textbook" example of a clerical bureaucracy. Jobs were very specialized : within the department, work groups were formed around tasks performed (e.g. traditional accounting, traditional administration, non-traditional accounting, etc). Within the work group individuals handled very specialized tasks. For example, two individuals handled premium collections, another two handled collections correspondence, three others handled the unit check area, and so on. INSURE's policy services group relied heavily upon on-the-job training. Manuals for each job specified the procedures and length of time allowable for each task performed by the work group. The work group relied heavily on direct supervision including many manual tracking systems to monitor performance. Finally, members of this work group were rarely involved in any decision making. Managers did not form a computing workplace vision. They believed they had to computerize, however, they did not link computerization to any strategic need to improve products, competitive advantage, nor work organization. When new products were developed that the existing computing system could not "handle," INSURE simply purchased a new system, and created a new work group to process work with the new system. By early 1990, the department was using 7 different computing systems. Between 1988 and early 1990, although several procedural changes took place, the overall organization of work remained stable along all 5 dimensions, and thus represents an example of clerical stability. However, in a few interviews during the summer of 1990, managerial workplace visions began to take shape. Managers began to express the need to form self-managing teams, emphasize cross-training of individuals, and integrating tasks. These changes suggest workplace visions of clerical migration towards adhocracy. However, whether or not work will be transformed along these lines remains an empirical question.

4.6. COAST PHARMACEUTICAL Writers - Professional Stability

In 1988, COAST PHARMACEUTICAL's writers group was organized as a somewhat "weak" professional bureaucracy. The writers' work was divided by territory, and all writers potentially handled all the varied tasks associated with this type of work (specialized as a professional bureaucracy). The group relied on formal education (college degrees are required) for training. The distribution of work and decision making resembled a clerical bureaucracy - the writers' supervisor controlled, distributed, and tracked most of the work. In addition, the writers were rarely involved in decision making. Although the planning and control and the decision making dimensions are more clerical than professional, we describe this group as a professional bureaucracy because the majority of the dimensions are predominantly professional. The work group manager, envisioned professional stability for this group. This manager envisioned computing as a "toy" that interfered with the writers' professional work. As a result, writers were forbidden to do their own word processing of documents. Because of this "decree," writers rarely used computing, and consequently were not affected by it. Over the years, the work organization remained stable on all 5 dimensions, making this case an example of professional stability. In a few interviews during the summer of 1990, we found a dramatic shift in this managers' workplace visions - one that suggested workplace vision of professional migration towards adhocracy. First, writers were expected to work in self-managing and multi-departmental teams. Along with these changes, writers would no longer be "forbidden" to use computers. In fact, each writer would soon be getting their own "networked" MACs which would enable them not only to process their own documents, but to communicate with other members of the organization. Again, whether or not this group's work organization will be transformed to an adhocracy, remains an open question.

5. Conclusions

These six case studies illustrate our theoretical framework for understanding ideologies about computing, computerization, and work transformation. Workplace visions influenced the computerization process which, in some cases, transformed work organization. Our cases also illustrate how computerization can lead to varied work transformations. Rather than resulting in one dominant trend, work was transformed along several trajectories. In contrast to technologically or economically deterministic arguments, the cases illustrate that organizational ideologies (workplace visions) along with the computerization actions or decisions that follow from the ideologies, combine "forces" to drive changes in work organization.

Although our cases paint a picture of intended, rational strategy and actions that resulted in "intended" changes in work organization, unintended changes in work have also taken place. For example, at PACIFIC COAST's GSS, work group members were forced to learn how to use new computing systems which were only partially built and still "buggy." Our survey data indicate that, over 3 years, the computing expertise of this work group unexpectedly increased. If and how this increased expertise will effect future organizational changes (along the 5 dimensions listed in Table 1) remains to be seen. Our conceptualization of computerization as an ongoing intervention (Kling & Iacono, 1989a; Zmuidzinas, et al 1990), captures this dynamic process.

Our theoretical framework identifies 18 possible trajectories of change in work organization. We found evidence for six different trajectories of work transformation, including stability. Like other researchers (cf Orlikowski, 1991), we have yet to find the emergence of new forms of work organization. While we have not found that all 18 possible trajectories are equally likely, at least 10 appear relatively common. Metamorphoses (e.g. clerical to professional) and clerical migrations to adhocracies and adhocratic migrations to clerical organization are dramatic transformations. These transformations in work organization are less likely because they would require substantial effort, capital, disruption of work, and would present major impediments to production and productivity.

While this paper focusess upon purposive managerial action and social change, it is only one element of a complete model of social change. While the mobilization of bias emphasizes computerization coupled with social change, organizations can adopt new technologies and retain or reinforce institutionalized social arrangements (Child, 1987; Kling and Iacono, 1989b). Our model characterizes such processes as either "stabilty" or "elaboration." This paper helps deepen our undertsanding about the possible trajectories of social chnage, but does not try to characterize the social conditions which will favor particular trajectories.

Within a given workplace, the transformation of work organization takes years to evolve. For changes in work organization to catch on so they dominate within society will take much longer. The industrial revolution was neither rapid nor dramatic, rather it took decades, even centuries, to evolve. Similarly, dramatic transformations of work organization (i.e. metamorphoses) will take decades to evolve. The transformations we will see in the near future will be those that resemble most closely, existing forms of work organization. Transformations to adhocratic organizations potentially require substantial reshaping of workplace ideologies - the loosening of hierarchies and promotion of lateral relations are dramatic departures from existing ideologies in many workplaces. These new forms of work organization will take time to evolve, and are most likely to occur where and when ideologies supporting their emergence are available and acceptable. Otherwise, the social possibilities of using new technologies to foster more interesting forms of work organization will remain unfulfilled.

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